Neither Trumpets nor Drums is a memoir written by former Vice President Salvador "Doy" Laurel about his time in the Cory Aquino administration. Rather than being a pean to or a complete takedown of Cory Aquino, Salvador Laurel gives his honest impressions of the time both documenting his hope for her Presidency after years of martial law under Marcos and his disappointment at what actually happened. The subtitle is Summing up the Cory Government.
The major drawback of this book is that it is a big tease. Though Salvador Laurel offers "revelatory" insights and behind-the-scenes stories about Cory Aquino’s governance he never explores them. It's all a sketch with a very faint outline. He skips over a great deal during the period of 1986-1987. For instance, while he makes a big to-do about Cory scraping the constitution and imposing a revolutionary government he never once mentions the newly written Constitution and the 1987 plebiscite. That is a huge and stunning omission.
Several times he mentions people were secretly advising Cory but he never asks "who." He seems disinterested in that subject as if their identities are obvious and either we should know or perhaps he would rather not say. For instance, Doy notes that Cory Aquino swore to him she would never seek the nomination for the Presidency and to show her sincerity she nominated him at the UNIDO convention. But then she heard a voice from God and decided to run. Doy did not think it was the voice of God speaking:
One day, she told the Cardinal: "I will run. I have decided. My decision was made on December 8." It was the closing of the Marian Year. Cory was then on retreat at the Pink Sisters Convent. "I am sure to run. It is God's will," she repeated.
Our first meeting was at her house on Times Street on Saturday, November 23 at 5:00 p.m. I told her she should not run. "You are are Ninoy's widow. If you run, they will attack you and vilify Ninoy. Your victory will be Ninoy's victory but your defeat will also be his defeat. You should not risk that. When you go up a boxing ring and put on gloves, they will hit you even if you are a lady. You should just be our symbol - above and beyond the fray. Let me do the fighting, let me take the blows for you," I said. But she did not answer. It was obvious that she was told just to listen by a hidden group of advisers.
p. 37-38
Why is it obvious she was being advised by a hidden group? Who were these people? Doy refers to this hidden cabal again a few paragraphs later.
Our fifth meeting was held at the Puyat residence in Quezon City. Present were my brother Sotero, Cory's daughter Ballsy, and our host, the late Vincente "Teng" Puyat. On that day, Cory confided to me that she was not really interested in running the government. She simply wanted to be the instrument to remove Marcos. Since she did not know anything about running a government, she said she would be just a ceremonial President, like Queen Elizabeth.
She then offered me the Prime Ministership and promised to step down after two years. She offered 30 percent of the Cabinet, the remaining 70 percent to be appointed after prior consultation between us. All these were written on a piece of paper which she initialed, item by item, on the left margin of the document.
I asked for time to decide. Early the next morning, I left alone for my beach house in Matabungkay. I had to make the hardest decision in my life. I knew Ninoy well. His word was good. But I did not know Cory well enough. Could I trust her? Would her word be as good as Ninoy's? Or was she a mere instrument of her family's interests and her hidden advisers? It was obvious that she has been changing her position and reneging on her words because her secret advisers had been changing her agenda for her.
p. 39
I felt it ironic that after abolishing a dictatorship, we should again resort to dictatorial power by abrogating the Constitution and governing by decree. It had become apparent that Cory's manipulators had planned from the very start that they would monopolize power through Cory.I recall, for instance, that a few minutes before we took our oath on February 25, 1986, Cory showed me the text of her oath of office. I noticed that instead of the phrase "preserve and defend the Constitution of the Philippines," what she had typed out was "preserve and defend the Fundamental Law," obviously prepared by her hidden advisers.p. 54-55
If "Cory's manipulators had planned from the very start that they would monopolize power through Cory" then it should be rather easy to discover their identities and to figure out exactly what their plan was. Likely it would come through the new Constitution. But Doy skips over that whole period. He does not discuss the writing of the new constitution at all. Not even a blurb. Nothing. Nada. That is a glaring omission of arguably the most important event after EDSA. Why does he do this? He is writing a book exposing the truth about the Cory Aquino administration and he charges her with being manipulated by others seeking to seize power through the abolition of the Constitution and the writing of a new one but he never explores that line of thought. That makes no sense espeically as Laurel is very critical of her decision to trash the 1973 Constitution.
History might have taken a different course if Cory had not abolished the 1973 Constitution. If her avowed objective was to achieve political stability at the earliest possible date, she should have repealed only the Marcos amendments, particularly Amendment No. 6, which had perpetuated one-man-rule. It was like burning a house just to kill a rat.
But Cory chose to burn the entire house. In her attempt to demolish the infrastructure of dictatorship, Cory wrecked the entire political structure and thus delayed and derailed the application of needed solutions to our worsening problems. Her policy of vengeance and retribution likewise fueled a power struggle that would last beyond the end of her term.
p. 59-60
Again, explosive revelation with nothing to back it up. He never gives a single example of "her policy of vengeance and retribution" nor does he discuss this "power struggle." Who was struggling for power? How and to whom did Cory show "vengeance and retribution?"
The issue of the Constitution returns again on page 117. This time Laurel claims he discovered a plot to dissolve Congress and invest the President with legislative powers.
In 1991, I exposed a surreptitious plan to convert Congress into a constituent body with the objective of changing our form of government to the parliamentary system. Although I am not per se against the parliamentary system, the haste and stealth with which the House railroaded Concurrent Resolution No. 42 made it highly suspicious. Not enough time was given for the thorough discussion and deliberation of such a major issue. House Concurrent Resolution No. 42 would convert the Congress into a constituted assembly to amend the Constitution, dissolve both houses of Congress, and then unconstitutionally vest the President with legislative power. Some commentators saw this as an illicit attempt on the part of Cory's manipulators to extend her tenure.
p. 117
That such a brazen plan that Salvador Laurel himself exposed gets only this lame paragraph is brazen in itself. How would this plan have worked exactly? Who were its authors? Why does he refuse to name names? Why does he refuse to discuss who Cory's manipulators might be? Surely Doy was not a stupid man and knew exactly who these people were but he chooses to leave us in the dark.
Laurel does not only brush over the actions of Cory. He brushes over the entire 6 year period of 1986-1992. Here is one example among many.
The most controversial forum took place on March 4, 1991 on the subject of amnesty. At that time, the Secretary of National Defense and the Chief of the AFP were opposed to the idea of a general unconditional amnesty and had proposed instead the grant of a conditional and selective amnesty - a move which stirred very heated discussions.
I have always maintained that the country's sad star of disunity and disorder is one of the main causes of our economic mess. A nation cannot move forward amidst disunity and disorder. And so we chose "Imperatives of National Unity" as our topic for the sixth CCF.
In preparing for the forum, I met with top military officers in Camp Aguinaldo and visited captured military rebels in their cells. Reports and video tapes of my meetings became the main resource for materials for discussion. A consensus was reached, among others, that the proclamation of a general amnesty accompanied by vigorous institutional reforms, including all-out war against graft and corruption, was the key political solution consistent with the Constitution.
Because there was yet no Presidential Proclamation of general amnesty to which Congress would concur, the forum urged the President to fill the legal vacuum by issuing a new Presidential Proclamation and to determine once and for all, with the concurrence of Congress, whether such amnesty would be conditional, general or selective.
p. 119-120
What is he talking about? Amnesty for who and for what? This talk of amnesty comes straight out of nowhere. At this point in the book it is 1991 and he has mentioned no coups at all except for the one which took place on August 28th, 1987. There were actually nine coups throughout Cory's term. Laurel finally mentions those coups several pages later on pages 135-137 but he says only two were serious. He actually calls the Manila Hotel coup a "cocktail party!"
The Manila Hotel incident of July 6, 1986 was more of a cocktail party than a coup. Although Senator Arturo Tolentino was perhaps dead serious when he proclaimed himself Acting President, the theoretical basis on which he propped himself up was old hat. He claimed that ht legislature had legally proclaimed him and Marcos; but that proclamation had already been superseded by the EDSA revolt. Besides, nobody was hurt in that tragic-comic episode and the punishment meted out to the conspirators was "thirty push-ups.p. 136
The Davide Commission report of 1990 gives a completely different account of this so-called "tragic-comic" "cocktail party."
Barely five months after the assumption into office of President Aquino, a group of armed military men and supporters of former President Marcos occupied the Manila Hotel for 37 hours ostensibly demanding constitutional reform and stronger anti-communist measures, on one hand, while declaring their own government, on the other. There were at least 490 fully-armed soldiers and some 5,000 Marcos loyalists who witnessed former Senator, Foreign Minister, and Marcos's Vice-Presidential running mate Arturo Tolentino take his "oath of office" as "acting President" of the Philippines on behalf of Marcos, who was then exiled in Hawaii. The hotel was declared as the temporary "seat of government".
p. 135
The last time Tolentino was in the Manila Hotel, his supporters had trashed the place.
The gleaming Italian restaurant, where Tolentino sat behind a starched white table cloth drinking ice water Monday morning, had been littered then with mud, paper cups, spilled rice and chicken bones.
Carpets had been pulled up and doors had been kicked in. Phones had been ripped from the walls and safe deposit boxes had been pried open.
In all, hotel officials said there was $500,000 worth of damage, all done in the name of Tolentino, who proudly proclaimed himself the proxy of Marcos. Tolentino and most of his followers managed to avoid any major reprisals for their actions.
One has to wonder what the real agenda behind this book is. Every paragraph is written in such a way as to leave the reader expecting the next revelation. Here is one such revelation.
Cory's claim about having restored democracy has to be examined against the facts. When Cory assumed office, a number of media establishments were found to have been operating under Marcos rule as state enterprises. In line with the principle that the press must be free from government control, a process of restoring these media outfits to their original or rightful owners was set in motion. Cory aborted the process by keeping a number of TV and radio stations on sequestry status.
Up to the end of her term, these sequestered media functioned as propaganda arms of her government, competing with the private media, and unabashedly obfuscating issues in her favor.
p. 143-144
As awful as that sounds Laurel offers no proof for this claim. He does not name a single one of the media establishments she kept as a propaganda arm nor does he show any of the said propaganda. I am not accusing him of lying. I am accusing him of not being forthcoming with the whole truth. From the introduction we are told that the purpose of this work is to assess the Cory Aquino government. But there is no assessment going on here, only a superficial description of events. There is a quick movement from one event to the next focusing primarily on the work of Salvador Laurel and not the governance of Cory Aquino. I suppose he could be forgiven having written this book in 1992 when the long term effects of her administration could not yet be seen.
If there is anything that could be called an assessment of Cory Aquino's presidency it is the oft cited "love letter" Laurel wrote to her on August 13, 1988. Here are a few excerpts.
We promised our people morality and decency in government. What do we have instead? The very opposite. It is now openly admitted by many, including your former Solicitor-General and some of your own close relatives in Congress, that the stench of “accumulated garbage” — I’m quoting your own first cousin, Congressman Emigdio Tanjuatco, Jr. — rises to high heaven; that the last years of Marcos are now beginning to look no worse than your first two years in office. And the reported controversies and scandals involving your closest relatives have become the object of our people’s outrage.
We promised to ‘break the back’ of the insurgency. But what is the record? From 16,500 NPA regular when Marcos fell, the communists now claim an armed strength of 25,200, of which 2,500 are in Metro Manila. They have infiltrated not only the trade unions, the schools, the churches and the media but your government, above all, and now ‘affect’ 20 percent of the country’s 42,000 barangays, according to official statistics.
The truth is that the peace and order situation is much worse today than when you came into office. It is now the number one problem of the nation.
From city to countryside, anarchy has spread. There is anarchy within the government, anarchy within the ruling coalesced parties, and anarchy in the streets. These require your direct intervention. Yet you continue to ignore this problem.
p. 90-95
Once again these are scathing accusations that he has chosen not to explore or mention except for in this letter. Just before the text of this letter begins Laurel gives the context for which he has written it. Laurel had been ordered by Aquino to resign as the Secretary of Foreign Affairs for the stupidest reason possible.
All I could make out was that she wanted the resignation of the entire Cabinet, including mine - all because Joker Arroyo and Joe Concepcion "had shouted at each other" in her presence.
p. 84
In an interview in August 1988 with Louie Beltran, Salvador Laurel gave a completely different answer as to why he resigned. He said it was because there was no counterinsurgency program being implemented by the administration.
5:25 Louie Beltran: When you were in the Cabinet were you aware of any counterinsurgency program being implemented by the administration?
Salvador Laurel: None and that is the reason I resigned as Foreign secretary.
What are we to make of this admission in light of the book which was written 4 years later? These reasons for resigning contradict each other.
A few days later, this is in September 1987, Doy and Cory met. He finally unburdened himself in front of her.
"Whatever happened to all those promises you made, Cory? Why was the constitution abolished without even telling me? Why did you appoint me Chariman of the Presidential Blue Ribbon Commission to investigate the behest loans only to be suddenly abolished again? Why am I now being asked to submit courtesy resignation - just because Joker Arroyo and Joe Concepcion has a shouting match?
Cory looked down and gave a halting reply: "I was told... that the EDSA revolution... erased all those promises..."
I did not bother to ask who had told her so. Everybody was quiet. Doña Aurora's head was power as if in prayer. I broke the silence. "If that's the case, Cory, there is nothing more to talk about."
p. 88
Cory asked what he was going to do now? Would he join the opposition?
"No. Not yet. I want this government to succeed. I don't want to see it fail. I've worked hard, sacrificed so much, to bring it to power. I'll wait for a year. I'll support you whenever you are right. I'll disagree with you wen you are wrong. I'll only oppose you when you insist on being wrong."
I kept my word. I waited a full year. But I could not see where she was going. The nation was adrift. Government had no direction. "Rela-thieves" and "Kamag-anaks, Inc." were on the rampage. Corruption, vindictiveness, ineptitude and hypocrisy had started to rear their ugly heads.
p. 89
“Please tell Mrs. Aquino to stop sending her relatives to me," he continued. "They are proposing so many things. I have already established a foundation and I am turning over 90% of all my worldly possessions to the Filipino people. Enrique Zobel has all the papers. He and the Papal Nuncio, Msgr. Torpigliani, will sit in the Board to see to it that 90% of all that I have are properly distributed to our people. That is much better than what Mrs' Aquino's relatives have been proposing. I am leaving only 10% for my family."
p. 108
Salvador Laurel then goes on to relate that Cory would not see him so he could deliver the message. However she did allot an hour to meet with Tom Cruise. He calls this her greatest mistake and says she could have solved the Marcos wealth problem once and for all if she had only accepted the message. I will discuss this tantalizing episode in-depth in a future article. Suffice to say once again Laurel leaves a lot out and does not tell the whole story.
There is not much more to discuss about the book. It has a lot of shortcomings and they are not exactly made up for. Far from being a summation of the Cory government it is a personal memoir written from one man's viewpoint. There is nothing wrong with that per se but it deprives the reader of any nuance or context in many places. The text is in dire need of annotations. As for the strange title "Neither Trumpets nor Drums" we get an explanation in the last chapter.
In the tradition of heraldry, the trumpet served as the symbol of victory or the birth of a new day. Drums, on the other hand, always preceded an execution, their persistent, percussive sound signifying death or a burial, the end of something evil.
The Cory government, by remaining indifferent to the popular glamour for change, failed to herald a new ear for our country or to bury the traditional forces of cronyism, favoritism, corruption and greed.
p. 150
Cory’s late former Vice President Doy Laurel had something to say about this. He wrote an open scathing letter to Cory outlining the deception she, her family and allies did. She betrayed him and the people. In so many words, he said Cory became worse than Marcos.
Such an analysis by one of the editors of Get Real Philippines is monumentally moronic and proof positive that she has not read this book and does not understand the letter to which she is referring. At no point in this book or in that love letter does Laurel indicate that "Cory became worse than Marcos." On pages 5-8 he gives a scathing indictment of the Marcos regime starting off by noting, "Our country was not free." Any Marcos revisionists looking to use this book for their purpose should keep that in mind.
